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- War as peace, peace as pacification
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But altogether the impression is of laissez-faire. Bernos below, n. The priests, who were of an independent turn of mind, exchanged grainy repartee with the visitor and the parishioners; it seems they drank and smoked with their friends during long evenings at the inns, and womanised a good deal.
Peace in the Post-Reformation. the Birkbeck Lectures 1995
The Bretons were left to worry about their dead, the Burgundians about their wine. Bergin says p. We also know that the clergy found the publishing of censures distasteful. Then there was the passage, gradual and patchy as it was, towards the adoption of a Tridentine regime in the dioceses. We can get some idea of what this meant from the archdiocese of Lyon. Half a century later something had changed, but I am not sure how much. Much concern about fonts and tabernacles; nothing about confessionals. Marquemont, Denis Simon de.
The coming of the box must also relate to the decline of the rite of public confession, which was well established in French practice at least to the end of the sixteenth century. The campaign achieved its object as local liturgies were superseded by the Roman rite. I do not see that battle as impinging very sharply on our subject.
It is not clear that all these cases are about a collective rite, rather than about ad hoc assemblies by parish priests. Jansenist theology was probably unsympathetic to the contractual aspect of the moral tradition, and to the suggestion it carried that universal salvation was on the cards.
I see no sign that it did.
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Economic sins included usury and various sorts of greed and oppression practised by the rich on the poor: they involved restitution and were certainly social sins, sins against charity. But Briggs sees their emphasis on them, however laudable, as unrealistic and out of touch and, except in the case of the occasional strict-Jansenist bishop, as not having much connection with pastoral practice.
Thereafter his status as the model bishop and pastor was established: it may be that his recanonisation in France brought the book back into the limelight in Italy. The Instructions were little used in Italy until the eighteenth century: Turrini, La coscienza e le leggi, pp.
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Two considerations hastened the push in this direction: the gathering persecution of French Protestants; and the conquest of new territories in the east. The people of Sennely were good Catholics: they hated Protestants, iconoclastic bishops and the gentry; they were charitable among themselves, keen on fraternities, pilgrimages, processions. The shadow of the confessional-box fell between them and the church: their charity and solidarity would remain, but drift in other directions. It would be far too simple, and for two reasons: that the distribution of episcopal bureaucracy or zeal is not identical with the distribution of blank patches on the Carte religieuse; and that the moral tradition did not die of drought even among the satellites of the Sun King.
A recipe, one might think, for disaster; and indeed disaster is roughly what happened later on in most of the diocese. On confession, ibid. There is no sign of any pastoral preference given to the area, rather the reverse.
War as peace, peace as pacification
Fraternal charity was his line. Grignon was a star in the constellation of preachers who made the earlier eighteenth century a golden age for the rural mission and the feast of reconciliation its proper conclusion. The entrails, so far as one can peer into them, look relatively favourable. Simple advice perhaps; but it might have saved a good deal of trouble if generally followed. He had competitors in the seigneur and of course the notary; against the notary he seems to have made a good deal of progress since the sixteenth century.
We may well be dealing, here, with manipulation; and on the larger front with the self-interest of patrician groups. They may, of course, make the moral tradition a less disinterested matter than I have so far suggested. It was preceded by a practice of confession reminiscent of the French local rites which were on the way out, and had their parallels in Germany.
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As inimicizia in Italy, so Feindschaft in Germany is a structural fact of social and legal existence. A man will not say his Paternoster, at mass or otherwise, because it is not in accordance with his principles to forgive his enemies without more ado; people are involved in lawsuits, to which they resort more readily than the people of Sennely, and therefore formally at enmity.
They have been slandered, accused of witchcraft, unjustly punished by the authorities; are in dispute about an inheritance, at odds with their wives or husbands or the pastor. Delumeau ed. Noncommunicants are talked to a great deal, by the pastor or the mayor; they are summoned to the superintendent on his fairly frequent visitations; they generally appear, especially when they have a lawsuit behind them, tranquil and obstinate, as if conscious that their stance is supported by general opinion.
They are certainly in some danger from the interconnection of church and civil power, and may be threatened with imprisonment, though it only seems to happen in very exceptional cases. A couple of comments before I go on. Sabean thinks it was: a novel intrusion of Herrschaft and a test of obedience. I can well believe that Lutheran regimes made the relation between communion and social amity more immediate and more intense.
He had attempted to rewrite the Paternoster, or at least to reinterpret it, to avoid just such contractual implications.
He removed the pax from the mass. His doctrine of the Two Kingdoms would make one think so. Should we put it down to Melanchthon? To the accession to the evangelical ranks of conservative princes like the Brandenburgers? To Charles V and his Interim? To vox populi?
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What are we to put this down to? Seen from the angle of the rural Gemeinden, which had been deprived of a number of things they were partial to, like pilgrimages and holy water, the answers seem to be: communion in both kinds; the marriage of the parish clergy; and possibly the new, if it was new, practice of confession.
And all of them, it seems to me, considered in the light of what they might have to contribute to the progress of the moral tradition. Luther, in B. This was an ungenerous way of putting the general point that it took away one item from the separation of priest and parishioners. Did it also give them a stronger feeling of togetherness among themselves? I know nobody who actually said so, if we exclude the disgusted Giordano Bruno, who was not in Germany when he wrote the Cena de le Ceneri.
But considering the German taste for drink, and the intimate connection of drink with the rites of sociability and reconciliation, it might be surprising if it did not. I cannot pursue that line too far, because German peasants were very hostile to the Swiss version of the eucharist, which imitated daily life more exactly; as they saw it, Zwingli wanted to deprive them of the real thing, where the pope had only deprived them of half the real thing.
Theoretically, this should perhaps have not been so, but in practice it surely was. I now approach both claims from the Catholic side, with the story of the adoption by Catholics of the Lutheran departures, communion in both kinds and the marriage of the clergy.
On the reception, Constant, Concession; A. For Austria, Constant, Concession, p. Ultramontane historians like Pastor have gloated that the outcome of the concession did not meet the expectations that had been raised: the take-up was far from universal.source link
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There was a large number of abstentions, probably where the priest was against administration in both kinds: priests were thought to be generally hostile, on the grounds that the duke was giving the laity what, it was said, they wanted, without giving priests what they wanted, lawful marriage.
No concession came from Rome permitting the marriage of the clergy; but it was better established and lasted longer than communion in both kinds. Zeeden and H. There is wonderful comedy in its wriggling to evade the decision of a pope whom it was supposed to be committed to obeying; there is also something heroic about its resistance to the wishes of princes on whom it depended.
I can think of two reasons for this, one obvious, one more occult.
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No slippery slope of Moellerism for them. Missions and fraternities indeed, but of a kind. The working Jesuits in Vienna, Bavaria and the Rhineland were the objects of a tug-of-war between their superiors and their lay constituency. More: the constitutions appeared to say that Jesuits were not to have musical instruments in their houses; were not to sing madrigals; not to buy sheet music or accept it as a present, even when it was on sacred texts; not to copy or compose it without express permission from the provincial.
Of course, the superiors could not win: after a heroic dispute about the organ of the Jesuit church in Vienna, reminiscent of the nineteenthcentury argument about the Brunswick Methodist Chapel in Leeds, Acquaviva caved in.